One of the principle claims (and complaints) of the fundamentalist Christian right is that they possess an inerrant, absolute standard of morality, God’s Word in the Bible, while they claim that secular humanists are undermining the moral fiber of the United States by a moral relativism which excludes the Bible, God and prayer from the public schools and the 10 commandments and Christmas from the public square.
Given that all but the most Rushdoony influenced Christian fundamentalists agree with the proposition that slavery is a moral evil, this proposition can be historically tested by an empirical test case. If racial slavery is a moral evil and the Bible is an inerrant and absolute moral guide, one would expect that slavery would be unambiguously condemned by the Bible. Yet, just the opposite is shockingly the case. For almost 2,000 years, Bible-believing Christians interpreted the Bible as supporting slavery. The most bloody, murderous war (per capita) in U.S. history was commenced by Bible-thumping, Confederate Christians who were absolutely certain that God did not merely wink at slaveholding, HE positively commanded it—because slavery was a divine blessing for blacks and whites alike.
In fact, Reverend Iveson L. Brookes, S. Carolina, 1850, would say: “Next to the gift of his Son to redeem the human race, God never displayed in more lofty sublimity his attributes, than in the institution of slavery.” Ferdinand Jacobs, 1850, in The Committing Our Cause to God would say: “If the scriptures do not justify slavery, I know not what they do justify. If we err in maintaining this relation, I know not when we are right—truth then has parted her usual moorings and floated off into an ocean of uncertainty.” The Confederate Army Religious Newspaper, Messenger April 15, 1864 proclaimed: “We are fighting not only for our country but our God. . . . It has become for us a holy war, and each fearful and bloody battle an act of awful and solemn worship.”[i] Hundreds, if not thousands, of sermons were preached, religious pamphlets were published, theological tomes (encyclopedic in length) were written, and newspaper articles were written by clerics and politicians alike extolling the Christian virtues of racial slavery. This religious certainty found its way into official state declarations of why the Confederates left the Union. For example, the February 2, 1861 Texan statement of causes for seceding stated that slavery was commanded by the “plainest revelations of the Divine Law” and that Confederates must fight to uphold the “revealed will of the Almighty Creator."
The racist Reverend Robert Lewis Dabney advised fellow slaveholders that the Bible was slavery’s strongest bulwark against abolitionism; that the Bible was diametrically opposed to freedom for slaves: "[W]e must go before the nation with the Bible as the text, and 'Thus saith the Lord' as the answer. . . . we know that on the Bible argument the abolition party will be driven to unveil their true infidel tendencies. The Bible being bound to stand on our side, they have to come out and array themselves against the Bible and then the whole body of sincere believers at the North will have to array themselves, though unwillingly, on our side. They will prefer the Bible to abolitionism."[ii]
Reverend Benjamin M. Palmer, eulogized May 1902 aged 84 as the most influential man in New Orleans by “common consent,” characterized the Civil War as a holy crusade, asserting that in the entirety of human history, no war was holier: “History reads to us of wars which have been baptized as holy; but she enters upon her records none that is holier than this.” This statement was made in Palmer’s Thanksgiving Day Sermon 1860 in which he advocated secession and war as a Christian duty. Thousands of reprints were published in newspapers and pamphlets throughout the South. Palmer’s biblical exposition on the holiness of slavery and the South’s Christian duty to expand slavery was credited by many contemporaries as the decisive argument which convinced Confederate Christians to start a Civil War.
In his sermon, he went on to identify slavery as a “providential trust,” and said it was the South’s religious duty “to conserve and to perpetuate the institution of domestic slavery as now existing.” He asserted that God’s providential trust had been under demonic “unrighteous assault through five and twenty years.” He promised that should the South fight to extend slavery, “[t]he particular trust assigned to [them],” they would receive “the pledge of the divine protection.” In sum, he said, “we [southerners] defend the cause of God and religion” by fighting to extend slavery. He branded abolitionists as demonic, atheists, and “the throne of iniquity." Palmer continued:
To the South the high position is assigned of defending, before all nations, the cause of all religion and of all truth. In this trust, we are resisting the power which wars against constitutions and laws and compacts, against Sabbaths and sanctuaries, against the family, the State, and the Church; which blasphemously invades the prerogatives of God, and rebukes the Most High.[iii]
The Reverend Palmer’s Thanksgiving Sermon of 1860 was echoed by scores of southern evangelical preachers. For example, on May 16, 1862, J. W. Tucker, a southern Methodist minister, encouraged his congregation to support the war saying, “God’s providence is in this war. . . . Our cause [slavery] is just, and God will defend the right. . . . Our cause is sacred.” “Your cause is the cause of God, of Christ, of humanity. It is a conflict of truth with error—of the Bible with Northern infidelity [emphasis added].” A Presbyterian minister from Georgia prophesied that because God was on the Confederate side, within twenty years of their divinely ordained victory, abolitionist concepts would “vanish from the world,” and slavery, “stronger than ever in the South would flourish also in many Northern states and foreign countries.” Far from gradually expiring, slavery was seen as expanding even outside of history into the millennial age according to some Southern divines. [iv] To the very end of the war, southerners like the editor of the Mississippi Messenger would proclaim: “The character of the war is, with us, essentially and necessarily religious . . . .[emphasis added]”[v] William Norris, writing for the trans-Mississippi army, similarly asserted: “This war is on our part, a war for our Religion. . . .”[vi]
The Confederacy was said to be a covenant people equivalent to the “Hebrew nation” and the “martyr church of Christ.”[vii] The wife of S. Carolina Senator Chesnut, Mary Chesnut said: “Not one doubt is there in our bosoms that we are not the chosen people of God. And that he is fighting for us.” A writer for the Richmond Religious Herald of February 25, 1864 could not have agreed more, saying: “Our enemies make slavery the central question of the war. But no one at the South doubts the Divine Sanction of slavery.” Conversely, a writer for the Christian Observer, February 2, 1865 claimed that “[a]ll who love the Lord Jesus Christ must and will oppose this monster heresy [of abolition] even unto death.”[viii] An Alabama Methodist preacher told his brother that he had a “deep Christian and inextinguishable hatred toward the demons of the north” and that it was his conviction that “it is doing God service to kill the diabolical wretches on the battlefield.”[ix]
Reverend J. Jones on May 26, 1862 at the Presbyterian Church of Rome, Georgia gave a comprehensive sermon entitled, The Southern Soldier’s Duty. He characterized the conflict as a religious and moral one. The stakes, he exhorted the Confederate troops, were ”the prosperity of true religion, and the authority of God’s word, all are committed to your keeping.” Should they fail, true religion and God’s word would suffer. Reverend Lucius Cuthbert, Jr. defined the reasons for secession and war as essentially religious in his sermon entitled, “The Scriptural Grounds for Secession from the Union.” According to Henry Allen Tupper in yet another Thanksgiving Discourse given September 18, 1862 at the Baptist Church, secession “was necessary to salvation, and war to final separation. Hence, the Lord . . . led providentially and imperceptibly into war. [emphasis added]”[x] God designedly led the Confederacy into the Civil War which was “necessary to salvation.” It was a war of cosmic significance because Southern believers would be contending against atheistic principles on behalf of a “providential trust,” slavery.
Most Americans are surprised to learn that the Confederates seceded because the Bible commanded them that they must uphold slavery as a “providential trust.” However, although already the ten footnotes above are becoming repetitious, they could virtually be continued ad infinitum. Thus, this is an irrefutable case where the inerrant Word of God was employed with absolute certainty by true believers to prove beyond a doubt that something we believe today to be grossly immoral was lauded as an absolute divine commandment, vital to the continuation of Christian civilization. This has obvious parallels with the similar assertions by Christian fundamentalists today that the Bible absolutely condemns homosexuality, abortion, and birth-control pills, and that the United States is on a slick and speedy path to perdition because the U.S., God’s chosen people, is fast becoming a nation of moral perverts, just like the slaveholders accused the abolitionists of being. In a future blog I will examine how a common sense interpretation of Old and New Testament proslavery texts proved Confederates had a firm biblical foundation for their belief that slavery was a “providential trust.” The same method fundamentalists continue to use for a whole gamut of issues today—from global warming to birth control.
[i] Kurt O. Berends, “Wholesome Reading Purifies and Elevates the Man,” The Religious Military Press in the Confederacy in Religion and the American Civil War edited by Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 146 quoting “Address of the Second and Third Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia,” Messenger, April 15, 1864.
[ii] George C. Rable, God’s Almost Chosen People: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010),14.
[iii] Benjamin Morgan Palmer's "Thanksgiving Sermon" November 29, 1860. http://civilwarcauses.org/palmer.htm has the full text. While ostensibly claiming that he never mixes politics and religion, Palmer’s sermon is remarkable for its total amalgamation of religion, race, and politics.
[iv] Kurt O. Berends, “Confederate Sacrifice and the ‘Redemption’ of the South,” in Religion and the American South: Protestants and Others in History and Culture, ed. Beth Barton Schweiger and Donald G. Mathews (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina )Press, 2004), 105. For these and multiple other claims that God supported slavery and the Confederacy see also David B. Chesebrough, ed., “God Ordained This War” Sermons on the Sectional Crisis, 1830-1865. (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1991), 345, 222, 195, 226-227, 324, 229-237, 333. For examples of Confederate claims for God’s miraculous interventions on their behalf, see also page 298, where Reverend Joseph May Atkinson, author of God, the Giver of Victory and Peace. Raleigh: n.p., 1862, proclaimed that if Confederate eyes could have been opened by angels as of old, they would have seen “an angel, terrible as that which smote the host of Sennacherib, hurling back the multitudinous cohorts of our self-confident invaders, filling their ranks with confusion, dismay, and death.” On page 314 is a citation of James Elliott’s The Bloodless Victory, Charleston: A. E. Miller, 1861. In this sermon, Elliott assures his parishioners that the bloodless taking of Fort Sumter as an answer to prayer because: “The hand of God seems as plainly in it as in the conquest of the Midianites.” In case any young Confederate soldier might feel squeamish about killing, Reverend Stephen Elliott did his best to disabuse them of this notion; he urged them to “strike boldly . . . without any guilt. . . . The church will sound the trumpets that shall summon you to battle. For this ministerial endorsement of the war on behalf of slavery see page 315-316.
[v] Mark O. Noll, The Civil War as a Theological Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 79.
[vi] Kurt O. Berends, “Wholesome Reading Purifies and Elevates the Man,” The Religious Military Press in the Confederacy in Religion and the American Civil War edited by Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 144.
[vii] Ibid., 142, 147, 155, 145, 143. See also page 145 for Reverend Smith’s assertion that the original Union of states stood in direct opposition to the “order of God.” This contradicts current right-wing evangelical assertions that the U.S. was founded as a Christian nation.
[viii] Harry S. Stout, Upon the Altar of the Nation: A Moral History of the Civil War (New York: Viking, 2006), 85, 291, 409.
[ix] George C. Rable, God’s Almost Chosen People: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 68.
[x] David B. Chesebrough, ed., “God Ordained This War” Sermons on the Sectional Crisis, 1830-1865. (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1991), 196, 219, 197, 321- 324, 344.